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ORATION 

DELIVERED 

. IN CHARLESTOWN, 

IN 

VIRGINIA, 
ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 

1805; 



u^ 

BY FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. -^^'-^ Uj.,),a.' 



WITH A FEW ALTERATIONS AND ADDITIONS, 
MADE SOON AFTER. 



WASHINGTON: 

J'HINT'ED Br R,C. IVEIGHTMAN, 



1808. 






District of Columbia, to wit: 

BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the sixteenth Hay 
of January, in the thirty second year of American indepen- 
dence, Ferdinando Fairfax, of Jetferson county, Virginia, 
hath deposited in this oifice, the title of a book, the right 
whereof he claims as author, in the words following, to 
wit: " OKAriON delivered in Charlestown,in Virginia, 
" on the fourth of July, 1605. By Ferdinando Fairfax, 
'* With a tew alterations and additions, made soon after." 
In confomit)- to the act of congress of the United States, 
entitled " An act for the encouragement of learning, by se- 
*' curingthe copies of maps, charts, and books, to the au- 
'« thors ana proprietors of such copies, during the time 
*♦ therein mentioned.'* 

[Seal.] W^M. BRENT, 

Clerk of the Circuit Court of the district 
of Columbia, for the county of Wash" 
itigton. 



AN ORATION. 



Friends and Fellow-Citizens! 



This is a day, sacred to memory, and 
to feeling. Whilst, by aiding your recol- 
lections of the pasty I would heighten your 
enjoyment of the pi'esent ; it is not a little 
gratifying to me, to know, that my respect- 
able auditory is predisposed to enter into 
the sensations which belong to the occa- 
sion. 

Delightfully sensible of the blessings 
we possess, in this favored land of free- 
dom ; our minds naturally look back, to 
the causes and instruments of such distin- 
guished national happiness — in the events 
of our revolution. This retrospect fills 
our hearts, with the mingled emotions, of 
generous regret for the deep-felt suffer- 



ings of our countiy , at that di'eary period ; 
love and veneration for those, who nobly 
despised every personal loss and danger, 
to procure for us our present felicity ; and 
humble gratitude to the giver of all good. 
And, when we behold, in boundless pros- 
pect, the magnificent effects of that glori- 
ous event, in the future gi'eatness of this 
nation of freemen, and in its influence on 
the general happiness of man ; our minds 
are expanded with the noblest sentiments, 
the most sublime conceptions, of which 
they are capable ! 

The emotions peculiar to the occasion, 
are, indeed, sweet and heavenly : but it is 
from your recollections of events, in which 
some of you did personally participate — 
your fervor of feeling — that my deficien- 
cies must be supplied. I am desirous that 
the humble orator of the day, may, thro' 
your kind indulgence, be enabled to lose, 
in the superior importance of his subject, 
all those personal considerations, which 



might still more unfit him, for this his 
first public exhibition. Thus shall his 
task (equally new and unsolicited on his 
part) be yet — not unpleasant. 

Upon this national commemoration, 
which annually employs the best writers, 
and the ablest orators of these states, little 
nexu remains to be said. The most ob- 
vious path, hath been much trodden ; and 
the numerous passengers who have pre- 
ceded me, have gathered in their route, 
both the fruits and the flowers which hung 
within reach. They have culled the 
choicest topics, and the handsomest or- 
naments of style, which the occasion af- 
fords. If, then, to obtain the necessary 
refreshment, for myself and the friends 
who accompany me, I should, now and 
then, deviate a little from the beaten track,. 
I hope to be excused : and should I, un- 
wittingly, pick up a sprig or a blossom 
which had been gathered by another, you 
will not be surprized. Knowing, how-. 



ever, that your tastes are truly American, 
I promise to offer you nothing unpalata- 
ble. 

It accords not with the spirit of this 
festival, or with my own feelings, to detail 
the incidents of the revolution. From the 
orator you will not expect the method of 
the historian — even in epitome. It is his 
province, to catch and to exhibit, in strong 
lights, and sometimes in glowing colours, 
the distinguishing features of the events 
which he would describe : but you have 
a right to expect that what he does ex- 
hibit, and the inferences and principles 
which he deduces, shall be conformable 
to fact, and agreeable to nature and ex- 
perience. This task, however conscious 
of incompetence to its proper execution, 
I must attempt. 

When, by ceaseless exertion of enter- 
prise and industry, the British colonies on 
this continent began to attract, the ava- 
rice and ambition — not the affection — of 



the mother country ; she commenced 
what were called, by her ministers of the 
day, her protecting measures. She sup- 
plied them liberally, with governors and 
other officers ; and although she had not 
afforded them, in their infancy, when 
most required, military aid against the 
savage foe of their frontiers ; yet, when it 
became useful, to humble the pride or 
curtail the power of her old enemy, 
France, this also, was furnished. It serv- 
ed, likewise, the secret purpose, of in- 
creasing the patronage and influence of 
the ministry — for views which were af- 
terwards developed. 

The monopolizing spirit of Britain, 
had restricted our commerce to a narrow 
channel, and discountenanced our manu- 
factures ; and under the specious pretence 
of regulating trade, and the department 
of the post-office, actually derived from 
us a disposable revenue. 

It is the property of ambition to en* 



croach with power ; and it \vas not long 
before the ministry of England, avowed 
their intention of taxing the colonies. In 
the course often years, several successive 
attempts were made, by acts of parlia- 
ment, to draw from the pockets of our 
industrious citizens, the hai'd-earned pit- 
tance of their exertions ; to be applied — 
how? — lavished on courtiers and favor- 
ites, who, on removal to this country, 
would be zealous promoters of the fur- 
ther designs of the ministry, upon our in- 
estimable rights. 

What availed it, that these attempts not 
only were palpably contrary to the char- 
tered rights of the colonies ; but manifest- 
ly tended to involve and to sweep away, 
in the vortex of ministerial ambition and 
power, the known and acknowledged pri- 
vileges of British subjects? — privileges 
which, though often contended against by 
the kings of England, had been defined 
by the great charter — the boast of every 



Englishman — and established by the re- 
volution in that country, almost a centu- 
ry before! What though those rights 
and privileges were, at every stage of 
these unjust encroachments, set forth and 
claimed by the colonists, in terms the 
most respectful, the most moving, and 
the most convincing? We all know, who 
are acquainted with the history of the Bri- 
tish government, — indeed it is not at- 
tempted to be denied by her best informed 
subjects — that the prime minister, so long 
as he avoids palpable loss or disgi'ace to 
the individual members, can carry in the 
parliament wliat measure he pleases. The 
boasted representation of that people is a 
mockery of the good sense of the world. 
It is a skreen, behind which the secret 
movements of the minister are illy con- 
cealed: whilst, by the allurements of a 
wide-spread system of corruption, (with a 
security and a freedom from responsibili- 
ty, unknown in an absolute monarchy,) 



he heaps burthensome debts upon the 
groanmg nation ; adds tax to tax, till in- 
genuity itself is exhausted of its devices, 
for draining the sources of domestic 
ease and comfort ; and, under pretence of 
defending the people from foreign aggres- 
sion, which he has wantonly provoked, 
strips them, one by one, of their rights 
and liberties. 

It is this sinister influence of an aspiring 
ministry, in a venal and ill- constituted 
government, which must explain the ini- 
quity and folly of the parliamentary mea- 
sures of that period. How, else, shall we 
account for their disregard of all those 
considerations, of honor, interest, and 
policy, which ever actuate a sensible and 
generous people — such as those of Eng- 
land are — when acting for themselves ? — 
Did national glory engage their regard? 
— This was most effectually to be se- 
cured by augmenting the population and 
improvement of her colonies, by every 



possible encouragement. Already had 
they, in spite of discouragement, made an 
advancement unprecedented, in popula- 
tion, agriculture, and commerce : and, in 
the late war with France, had demon- 
strated the importance of dieir aid in the 
common cause ; and manifested their dis- 
position, if applied to tlirough their own 
representatives, to pay all expenses neces- 
sary to their defence. Did a liberal view 
of interest govern ? The commerce with 
America was becoming the most consi- 
derable in magnitude, of any that England 
was engaged in ; and, under existing re- 
gulations — not then complained of — was 
unequalled in profit, to the mother coun- 
try. Did true policy prevail ? This would 
have dictated the cherishing of all those 
national and individual advantages, even 
by extending to the colonists, indulgences 
not allowed to the inhabitants of the mo- 
ther country ; — and much more would it 
have preseiTed to them, privileges which 



were common to both. But what people 
would have been indifferent, or insensible, 
to the peculiar ties which connected the 
inhabitants of these provinces with those 
of Great Britain? — Were we not tlieir 
brothers, sisters, sons, and daughters? 
and ought not those feelings which belong- 
to the tender charities of life, to have su- 
perseded the necessity of an appeal, on our 
part, to their justice, or generosity? On 
the true representatives of such a people, 
would the awful warning of the heaven- 
inspired Chatham have been lost? No. — 
Whilst, with the convincing energy of in- 
tuitive intelligence, he pointed out the 
true path of policy and of national honor ; 
whilst his hearers regarded, with deep 
attention, the great considerations and 
weighty motives, which he urged ; whilst 
their ravished ears drank with delight the 
copious stream of eloquence which flowed 
from his lips ; — their hearts, touched with 
the electric fire of his genius, would have 



yielded a sweet assent to justice and to 
truth: and, in harmonious accord, they 
would have united, in the steady purpose 
and pursuit — of measures, magnanimous, 
wise, and humane. 

But the British parliament were not the 
true representatives of the nation. They 
therefore entered into the ministerial sys- 
tem of exaction and encroachment, — 
against the most loyal and faithful subjects 
of the crown. And are we not warrant- 
ed, from our knowledge of human nature, 
to believe, that the actors under this sys- 
tem, being individually free from even 
the semblance of responsibility, in what 
regarded us ; were influenced by the con- 
sideration, that they might, with impu- 
nity, lay their hands upon our wealth? 
Like the robber, they determined to seize 
the booty, without regard to the owner : 
" Feeling power, they forgot right." 

I cannot, perhaps, offer you, in this 
place, any thing more acceptable, than 



a short quotation from the memorable 
speech of colonel Barre, of the house of 
commons, in the debate on the stamp- 
act : which presented a just view of the 
measures of administration relative to the 
colonies (applicable, alike, to each of 
their attempts at taxation) ; and was re- 
markably prophetic of their consequen- 
ces. Taking up the concluding words of 
the minister, he thus proceeds : " They 
planted by your care\' No, your op- 
pressions planted them in America. — 
They fled from your tyranny, to a then 
uncultivated and inhospitable country, 
where they exposed themselves to almost 
all the hardships to which human nature 
is liable ; and, among others, to the cruel- 
ties of a savage foe, the most subtle, and, 
I will take upon me to say, the most for- 
midable upon the face of the earth. And 
yet, actuated by principles of true English 
liberty, they met all hardships with plea- 
sure, compared with what they had suf- 



fered in their own country, from the 
hands of those who should have been 
their friends. ' They nourished by your 
mdulg€nce\' They grew by your ne- 
glect of them. As soon as you began to 
care about them, that care w^as exercised 
in sending persons to rule them in one de- 
partment or another, (who were, perhaps, 
the deputies of deputies to some mem- 
bers of this house) sent to spy out their 
liberties, to misrepresent their actions, 
and to prey upon them. — Men, whose be- 
havior, on many occasions, has caused 
the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil 
within them ; — men promoted to the 
highest seats of justice; some of whom, 
to my knowledge, were glad, by going to 
a distant country, to escape being brought 
to the bar of justice in their own. ' They 
protected by your arms*! They have 
nobly taken up arms in your defence; 
have exerted a distinguished valour, 
amidst their constant and laborious in- 



dustiy, for the defence of a country, 
whose frontier was drenched in blood, 
whilst its interior yielded all its little 
savings to your emolument. And, be- 
lieve me — remember I this day told you 
so — the same spirit of freedom which ac- 
tuated that people at first, will accompany 
them still : — but prudence forbids me to 
explain myself further. God knows, I 
do not at this time speak from motives 
of party heat : — what I deliver are the 
genuine sentiments of my heait. How- 
ever superior to me, in general knowledge 
and experience, the respectable body of 
this house may be, yet I claim to know 
more of America than most of you — 
having seen and been conversant in, that 
countr}'. The people are, I believe, as 
truly loyal as any subjects the king has ; 
but a people wdio ai'e jealous of their 
liberties, and w^ill vindicate them, if ever 
they should be violated : — But the sub- 
ject is too delicate : — I will say no more.'* 



The stamp-act was passed ; and prepa- 
rations were made, to carry it into execu- 
tion ; against which, the murmuring dis- 
content of the colonists, would have 
proved equally unavailing, as had been 
their remonstrances. But the '' sons of 
lihertif were roused. They sounded an 
alarm tlii*ough this continent. Commit- 
tees were appointed in the several colo- 
nies, to correspond with each other, and 
to concert measures of redress. They 
formed associations against the importa- 
tion of goods from England ; and adopted 
other plans, too formidable, not to com- 
mand attention from the ministry. Even 
their minions in this country advised to 
lenient measures ; — and the law was re- 
pealed. 

But the spirit of inquiry, the renewed 
attachment to liberty, and the experimen- 
tal knowledge, acquired by our citizens, 
of the efficacy of union and concert — 
which this foolish measure procured ; — 



long remained. This result of experi- 
ence, furnished the ready self- defensive 
weapons, for parrying other similar blows, 
which were successively aimed at the vital 
existence of liberty in these states. The 
government of England, in grasping at 
uncontrolled power, furnished the colo- 
nists with means, successfully to contend 
against that, which they had before suf- 
fered to be exercised, without dispute. 
The people began to see the evil of being 
controlled, by any law whatever, of a 
body, in which their feelings, wishes, and 
interests, were not represented : and they 
felt the pernicious influence of spies and 
informers, in procuring from that body, 
by means of false or partial statements, 
the most injurious regulations, and the 
most destructive restrictions. They ques- 
tioned the authority of parliament over 
them, in any case ^^-hatever : and a few 
discerning spirits — caught a distant glim- 
mer of the glory of independence. 



By the feeling of injury, our people 
were roused to the contemplation of poli- 
tical rights; to an investigation of the 
origin and just extent of the powers of 
government. Whatever knowledge, up- 
on this subject, the best informed men 
amongst them, had derived from history 
and from political writers, had been mere- 
ly theoretical, and, until this time, had 
lain dormant. But the menacing preten- 
sions of their rulers, called it forth ; and, 
through the medium of common interest 
and common feeling, procured for it a 
welcome reception, in every patriotic bo- 
som. Thus was formed a new school of 
statesmen in this western world; thus 
became practical, the theory of a just and 
free constitution of political society : and 
thus was laid the foundation — not of a 
war only ; but of a grand revolution ; 
which the philosophers of the old world 
might contemplate, with wonder and de- 
light. 



Not deterred, but rendered more cun- 
ning and cautious, by defeat, the British 
ministry projected other schemes, for the 
subjugation of the colonies. Various was 
their complexion, and various the means 
employed to give them success ; but the 
insidious design of establishing the su- 
premacy of parliament, was visible in 
each: and the jealousy of the people was 
too vigilant, to suffer their discernment to 
sleep. The former associations were re- 
newed: and several of those ministerial 
schemes, were, after a short experiment^ 
laid aside. Their obnoxious principle, 
however, was never abandoned ; but, final- 
ly, was attempted to be brought into opCr 
ration, by a duty on a favorite article of 
consumption, sent to this country by the 
East India company. Quickly — like the 
electric shock, not retarded by time, not 
lessened by distance — did the spirit of 
freedom awaken the energies of our peo- 
ple. Roused at the same moment, they 



acted as one man, throughout these states. 
They renewed their concert and corres- 
pondence, resolved to sustain whatever 
privations the common interest shoukl 
render necessaiy ; and, intent upon guard- 
ing their pohtical rights,^ rose superior to 
personal considerations. The determined 
resolution Avhich, at Boston, committed to 
the bosom of the deep, the obnoxious 
dutyable article, when, after repeated soli- 
citation, the consignees refused to send it 
back ; was but an earnest of that steady 
resistance, which the government was to 
expect, should it persevere. But concilia- 
tion was not of its councils : and this spirit 
of resistance only brought down upon 
that devoted citv, and the state of which 
it was the capital, the aggravated severity 
of vindictive oppression. The province at 
large was, by an act of parliament equally 
arbitrary and unexpected, deprived of its 
chartered rights : and thousands of unof- 
fending people, of all ages and sexes, 



were, by the operation of a similar act, 
suddenly thrown out of their accustomed 
employments — which depended upon ac- 
tive commerce — ; and must have perish- 
ed, but for the charitable contributions of 
their sympathising fellow citizens, in eve- 
ry part of the country ; who generously 
declared, they considered them as suffer- 
ing ifi the common cause. 

How did our countrymen meet this 
awful crisis in their affairs ? Prudent — but 
firm ; desirous of accommodation, and 
sincerely deprecathig the horrors of civil 
war — but determined to support their 
rights; free, alike, from the blind fury of 
lawless insurgents, and the timidity of the 
vassals of tyranny; — what was their con- 
duct? By their provincial assemblies, 
where these were allowed to meet, by 
committees acting during their recess, or 
in conventions of delegates of the people ; 
called together on the special emergency 
of the occasion ; they adopted various 



measures of precaution, but cai'cfully 
avoided ever}^ act of intemperence. They 
wished nothing so anxiously as, by the 
restoration of harmony with the mother 
coimtry, to be permitted to enjoy the cahn 
of peace ; but those more immediately 
threatened with the thunder of her power, 
prepared for the coming storm : and 
more than ever, sensible of the critical 
impoitance of a union of counsel and of 
strength, they appointed delegates to a 

GENERAL CONGRESS. 

This congress met — the true represen- 
tatives of the nation. Their proceedings, 
and those of their immediate successors, 
constitute the best criterion of the tem- 
per of their constituents, at different suc- 
cessive periods; — the truest display of 
the necessary effect of repeated aggres- 
sions on the part of government, in wid- 
ening the breach of good understanding 
with the colonies: until irreconcileable 
aversion, took place of the affectionate 



regi'et and horror, at tlie bare idea of a 
separation, with which the colonists at first 
regarded the contest with Great Britain. 

The genuine love of liberty is a genial 
fire : which sheds new rays of light on 
the understanding of man ; communicates 
fresh vigor to the best impulses of his 
heart ; gives birth to his noblest qualities ; 
and, when brought forth into action, forms 
his most exalted character. The com- 
mencement of this new era in human af- 
fairs, was indicative of the grandeur of its 
future course. 

When I recur to the acts and resolu- 
tions of this general congress, I sink un- 
der the consciousness of my inability, to 
render justice to their spirit and expres- 
sion. — Whether, by solemn declaration, 
they exhibit, in luminous display, the na- 
tural and chartered rights of the colonies, 
and shew how they have been wantonly 
disregarded and infringed, by various acts 
of usurpation; whether, by memorial to 



their sister provinces, they demonstrate 
the actual hardships, and certain conse- 
quences, of their oppressions — warn them 
against the insidious designs of the mi- 
nistry — and urge them by every conside- 
ration of common interest, to unite in the 
common cause ; whether by address to 
the people of England, they obviate the 
effects of ministerial misrepresentation — 
declare their real wishes *' to be placed in 
their former situation — in the enjoyment 
of peace, liberty, and safety" — and con- 
jure them, by a remembrance of the pub- 
lic spirit of their common ancestors, and 
by a regard to their intimate connexion, 
mutual interest, and common rights, to 
eradicate the existing evil, and avert the 
impending danger, by a magnanimous ex- 
ercise of their elective privileges, in choos- 
ing wise and independent members to the 
new parliament ; whether, in return for the 
generous sympathy of the Irish peopky 
they justify themselves, by a true statement 



of the colonial motives and objects — anti- 
cipate the happ3" issue of the deprecated 
contest, and the reverence which will be 
paid to the memory of those patriots, who 
sliall have suftered in the cause of liberty ; 
and congratulate that suffering people, 
^* to whom even the tender mercies of go- 
vernment had long been cruel," " that the 
" design of subjugating us has persuaded 
" administration, to dispense to Ireland, 
*^ some vagrant rays of ministerial sun- 
" shine" ; whether, by humble petition to 
their sovereign, they express their earnest 
desire, that he would be pleased, to devise 
some effectual means for the accommoda- 
tion of the unhappy dispute, by a redress 
of their wrongs, without a diminution of 
his royal prerogative — and seek to en- 
gage in their behalf, all the noble qualities 
of a good prince ; or whether, after a con- 
temptuous rejection of this offering of 
peace, they publish to the world, " the 
causes and necessity of taking up arms" ; 



appealing, with humble confidence in the 
justice of their cause, to "the supreme 
and impartial judge and ruler of the uni- 
verse" : — in all these acts, these untutored 
statesmen, display a character so truly dig- 
nified, an eloquence so convincing and 
pathetic, and a language so perspicuous 
and pure ; that I cannot better conclude 
this brief notice of their early proceed- 
ings, than in the words of the great Chat- 
ham, " For genuine sagacity, for singular 
moderation, for solid wisdom, manly spi- 
rit, sublime sentiments, and simplicity of 
language — for every thing respectable 
and honorable ; the congress of Philadel- 
phia shine unrivalled." — But they were 
yet to derive to themselves, still higher 
praise and admiration. 
. Since the first existence of congress (a 
period less thim. two years) events, preg- 
nant with the most important conse- 
quences, had happened, in rapid succes- 
sion : The loss of the honored few, whose 



blood had been poured out at Lexington— 
the first offering at the shrine of liberty — 
had touched the lively sympathies of their 
countrymen ; and kindled a fire of patri- 
otic enthusiasm,- which quickly set in 
flame the combustible materials of the 
continent, and gave fancied charms to 
death itself. The din of warlike prepara- 
tion, had, on all hands, taken place of the 
busv hum of commerce, the cheerful note 
of mechanical industry, and the simple, 
but sweet and innocent sounds of rural 
occupation : and the gentle bosoms of the 
tender sex, had been made to throb, with 
apprehensions of scenes, still less conge- 
nial with their natures. An army of un- 
disciplined provincials had been collected^ 
rather through public spirit, than by pub- 
lic authority (though the recommendation 
of their representatives, had with them all 
the force of law) ; and congress had ap* 
pointed, from amongst tliemselves, to 
bring into use this mass of raw materials, 



a beloved commander : whose well known 
integrity should prove a bulwai'k to liber- 
ty, against the calumnious shafts of her 
enemies ; and whose active zeal, and con- 
summate discretion, might supply the 
want of long experience in war. The 
earnest wishes of the colonists, for amica- 
ble adjustment of differences — expressed 
in repeated petitions from congress, and 
other representative bodies — had, by the 
British government, been treated with 
increased contempt ; or answered only by 
the voice of her cannon, in burning their 
towns, or wantonly laying waste their 
most valuable possessions. Operations of 
necessary precaution, on our part, had 
hastened the grand crisis ; and hostilities 
had commenced, with portenticus ear- 
nestness. The souls of the noble Mont- 
gomery, and of the brave and humane 
Warren, with many others, their gallant 
companions in arms, had been wafted to 
eternity : but not without leaving to their 



countrymen the heart- cheering hope, of 
final success m the great cause, by the 
exertion of similar bravery and firmness. 
For, the haughty troops of Britain, had, 
at the little redoubt of Breed's hill, been 
taught the mortifying lesson, not to des- 
pise even the undisciplined defenders of 
liberty : and, before the half finished fort, 
which afterwards bore the justly honor- 
ed name of its brave defender Moultrie, 
the glory of the British navy had suffer- 
ed a depression, in the defeat of one 
her distinguished commanders Parker; 
who — dispatched from England, to pour 
forth on our shores the myrmidons of 
death and desolation — had been forced to 
retire, with a loss unprecedented, and 
with a reluctant acknowledgement, of the 
bravery and good conduct which had op- 
posed him. 

From the operation of these events i 
from the necessary assumption, by the 
people in the different states, of the pow- 



crs of government — abused or abandoned 
by their late governors — ; and, above all, 
by the forcible artillery of a free press, 
employed against the vices, abuses, and 
fundamental defects, of that ruling power 
whose injustice they had so sensibly felt; 
the minds of the colonists had undergone 
a gradual, but rapid change. By adjourn- 
ment, their representatives in congress 
had reinvigorated their minds from the 
source of their authority: They inhaled 
and breathed forth the spirit of the na- 
tion. It was a spirit the more noble, be- 
cause attended with a consciousness, of 
the arduous difficulties, and perilous risks, 
which it must encounter. This band 
OF PATRIOTS knew, full well, the formi- 
dable power of Britain. Her well-appoint- 
ed armies were veterans in war ; and their 
gallant commanders had been crowned 
with victorious laurels, gathered in the 
four quarters of the globe. Old Ocean's 
self had often trembled, to his deepest 



abyss, beneiith her thundering navy ; and 
distant, old, and powerful nations, had re- 
ceived from her the laws of navigation, 
with silent submission. True it was, that 
some of the raw provincial troops had, re- 
cently, in one or two instances, measured 
their strength with British soldiers ; and 
leanit to respect themselves. True it was, 
that a particular emergency might always 
be expected to call forth, from amongst 
our citizens, a large portion oisueh daunt- 
less spirits. But what coyld bravery ef- 
fect, in the incidents of a war, without 
discipline? How could discipline be had 
without experienced officers? and what 
would even experience, discipline, and 
bravery, avail, without the implements of 
warfare? What public service could be 
long supported, without the certain re- 
source of a stable revenue? and what ar- 
my (however patriotic the individuals of 
which it might be composed) could be 
expected to endure regular service, with- 



out a regular supply of the necessaries of 
life ? All these requisites were wanting, 
to the formation of efficient armies, for the 
defence of the colonies. Congress knew, 
also, what was more dreadful to contem- 
plate — the vindictive spirit of ministerial 
ambition : They had cast their eyes upon 
other victims of that ambition. In case 
of defeat, what were rebels to expect, from 
the merciless conquerors of the unoffend- 
ing nations of India — the relentless op- 
pressors of Ireland ? Should they escape 
annihilation, how dreadful a bondage was 
in store for them ! What relief was to be 
expected, from the rapacious grasp of 
hungry viceroys, stationed in different 
quarters of this extensive country ? They 
remembered those scandals on humani- 
ty — the mock prosecutions in England, 
of the wicked agents of that gigantic 
monopolist, the East India company. — ■ 
By present submission, they and their 
cotemporaries, might escape these hor- 



rors. They knew there were many true 
lovers of their country, who condemned 
the plan of a separation from the parent 
state ; because its doubtful prospect of 
success, lay through the scenes of a bloody 
civil war : and they knew, that, although 
that plan had been recommended to their 
consideration by several of the states ; 
they would not be considered responsible, 
should they refuse to adopt it. But tem- 
porising or selfish expedients, were not 
accordant with the motives of these genu- 
ine representatives. They had before 
declared to the world, " We are reduced 
" to the alternative of unconditional sub- 
" mission to the tyranny of irritated mas- 
" ters, or resistance by force. — The latter 
" is our choice. — We have counted the 
*' cost of this contest, and find nothing so 
" dreadful, as voluntary slavery. — Honor^ 
** justice, and humanity, forbid us, tamely 
" to surrender that freedom, which we 
" received from our gallant ancestors, and 



** which our innocent posterity have a» 
" right to expect from us. We cannot 
" endure the infamy and guih, of resign- 
" ing succeeding generations, to that 
" wretchedness which inevitably awaits 
" them, if we basely entail upon them he- 
" reditary bondage* Our cause is just — 

" our union is perfect." From the 

haughty tone of the ministiy, and the per- 
severing neglect of their still repeated, 
and humble overtures for accommoda- 
tion ; congress had certainly no reason to 
change their determination. But, when 
this haughty neglect is accompanied with 
the formidable proof — by increased mili- 
tary preparation — that govemment will, 
indeed, receive nothing short of " uncon- 
ditional submission" to arbitrary exac- 
tion ; it only remains for this august 
body, — after reciting their rights, their 
grievances, and oppressions, — solemnly 
to declare " That these united colonies 
" are, and of right ought to be, free and 



" INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are 
^' absolved from all allegiance to the Bri- 
" tish crown; and that all political con- 
" nexion, between them and the state of 
" Great Britain, is, and ought to be, to- 
" tally dissolved : and that, as free and 
" independent states, they have full pow- 
" er, to levy war, conclude peace, contract 
" alliances, establish commerce ; and to 
" do all other acts and things, which in- 
" dependent states may of right do. And, 
" for the support of this declaration, with 
" a firm reliance on the protection of 
" DIVINE PROVIDENCE, wc mutually 
" pledge to each other, our lives, our for- 
" tunes, and our sacred honor." 

This FIAT OF LIBERTY, wllicll, tO 

the astonishment of the listening world, 
spoke a nation into existence, — hung, in 
fearful suspense, the high destinies of 
man ; and involved a decision upon the 
happiness or misery, the liberty or bon- 
dage, of this great continent ! ! 



Having decided the great principle of 
action ; neither personal danger, nor gene- 
ral calamity, nor destruction of property, 
nor loss of friends, — could deter them 
from their purpose. Then it was — " in 
times which tried men's souls" — that a 
Jefferson, a Nelson, a Lee, a Franklin, an 
Adams, a Livingston, a Rutledge, and 
numerous other worthies (whose names 
alone, would swell beyond proportion, 
this little address) exhibited themselves to 
the admiring eyes of their countrymen, in 
their true colours. Then it was, too, that 
the martial spirit of the land, was a second 
time roused, from Maine to Georgia: 
and our litde armies sprung into sudden 
existence, at the call of their country. 
Then it was, that the individuals of those 
armies, displayed innate faculties and 
powers, before unknown to themselves. — 
The fall of their comrades in battle ; the 
groans of their fellow citizens, issuing 
from the noisome jails, or floating dun- 



geons of the enemy ; the despair of their 
wives, sisters, and daughters, compelled 
to flee before the destroying fury of Bri- 
tish soldiers, the more ruthless rage of 
their savage allies, or the still more merci- 
less revenge of domestic traitors ; the 
flames which, amidst the gloom of night, 
ascended from their ravaged towns ; and 
the devastation of their peaceful, rural 
homes ; — served but as so many incen- 
tives, to rekindle their just resentment ; 
invigorate their courage ; and implant in 
each patriot bosom, the virtuous determi- 
nation of every true soldier of liberty — 
*' to conquer or to die." 

Various, and doubtful, was the ardu- 
ous contest, for many tedious years. — 
Clouded, and often dark, was the pros- 
pect, through every quarter of the hori- 
zon. Often were the heroes of our armies 
compelled to make full trial of their forti- 
tude and patience ; often were they com- 
pelled to bear the complicated severities 



of cold, hunger, sickness, and iktigue. 
Yes, my friends, liistory informs us, that 
that little band of heroes, Washington's 
army, on which rested — shall I say the 
hopes ? — No — the fearful expectations of 
their country (for every thing was then 
enveloped in the gloom of despondency) ; 
that little army, destitute of the necessa- 
ries of life, retreating before a powerful 
enemy, traced, with the blood of their 
half frozen feet, their devious marches 
through the snows of winter — without 
murmur or complaint! — The genius of 
liberty, still hovering around them, sus- 
tained their drooping hopes; retouched 
their souls with the fire of patriotism — 
and beckoned them on to victory. Union 
was the sheet anchor of the little bark, in 
which we had adventured our lives and 
fortunes : and the thunders of tyranny, the 
tempests of war, and the billows of faction, 
beat in vain against it. 

This constancy and courage of our 



statesmen and soldiers, and union of our 
councils, finally prevailed; and obtained 
for us the object of our exertions. Bri- 
tain acknowledged our right to self-go- 
vernment ; — and retired, in disgrace, from 
our shores. 

What shall we render to the memories 
of those brave men who died in this trying 
contest ? Snatched away, when all was 
uncertainty in prospect — not permitted to 
see and to enjoy its glorious termina- 
tion — ; they breathed out their souls in 
pious wishes for the success and prospe- 
rity of their country : — a prosperity which 
we enjoy in ample extent. — Hallowed be 

the fields of battle where they fell ! 

Nerveless, now, is many an arm, which 
once struck terror to its foes. — Moulder- 
ing and cold ai^e the hearts, in which " the 
pulse of glory" once beat high, respon- 
sive to their country's call. — The trum- 
pet's clangor, and the drum's tumultuous 
notes no more can quicken their emo- 



tions. — Alike unmindful of their coun- 
try's wrongs and happiness, for other ears 
the clarion note of war shall sound; — 
from other mouths the voice of annual ex^ 
ultation now arises.—' — Forever silent are 
those tongues, which often, by their ani- 
mating influence, incited their compa- 
nions, to bear the present ill, or brave the 
threatened danger.— —But still eloquent 
are their noble deeds, their glorious deaths, 
and their inspiring example: — still are 
these able to rouse, within the breasts of 
their countrymen, the finest feelings of 
the human heart.- — — 

O had I but the power, to express, in 
simply-suited language, the mingled sen- 
timents of gratitude and veneration, which 
I feel for you, ye fallen heroes!— Whilst 
the name of liberty is joyous in our ears ; 
whilst the sentiment of national happi- 
ness is precious to our hearts ; as long as 
faithful history shall preserve the remem- 
brance of our revolution : so long shall i/e 

6 



live in the affections of your grateful coun- 
trj^men ! — who will esteem it a delightful, 
as it is a sacred dut}^, to cherish your 
fame ! ! 

Here, too daring Laurens ! would I at- 
tempt a mournful tribute of respect, to 
the mild virtues, the intelligence, and pub- 
lic spirit, which adorn thy character ; and 
engaged the affectionate regaixl of all who 
knew thee — whether in the walks of pri- 
vate life, in the cabinet, or in the field ! — 
But, how can I select, one alone, from the 
bright constellation of characters (both 
of natives and noble-minded foreigners) 
which shines through the pages of our 
history? — the bright example to distant 
ages of our country — when the present 
generation shall long have passed away — 

of heroism and public virtue ! " it is 

sweet and becoming to die for one's coun- 
tiy ;"* — and those, who, from pure mo- 
tives, have so devoted their lives, must, 

* Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori. 



surely, be now in the fruition of lasting 
beatitude ! 

O God, thou lover of peace and con- 
cord, forbid that our country should ever 
engage in war, but upon principles as 
pure and correct, as those of our revolu- 
tionary contest! but suffer, that the wise 
and just policy of our nation, may contri- 
bute to hasten the time, ^' when nations 
shall learn war no more" — and when it 
shall no longer be necessary to purchase 
independence and freedom at so dear a 
price, as the loss of the virtuous, and the 
brave ! ! 

To the surviving statesmen and war- 
riors of the revolution, how rich a reward 
for their toils and dangers, was the enjoy- 
ment of national independence! — A few 
of them yet remain, scattered through the 
country ; to recount, to those of us who 
were too young to partake of their honors, 
the incidents, the "feelings, and the dis- 
tresses, of those days. I venerate them 



highly : and when I reflect, that we are now 
enjoying the plentiful harvest of their la- 
bors, in ease and in peace ; I can scarcely 
allow myself to think, that these benefac- 
tors of their county can do any thing — 
short of a dereliction of their early princi- 
ples — which ought to forfeit our high con- 
sideration, — May the evening of their day 
be unclouded by care ; and may their sun 
set in peace ! — And, when it shall please 
the Almighty Father of all, to deprive us 
of them ; may they cheerfully follow to 
the blest abodes, where W a shington — 
their old commander — hath led the way 1 
At the name of Washington I pause : 

whilst we remember, at once-— our 

glory, and our loss. — Washington, whose 
actions cast around him, a splendor which 
shall shine forever : who, by devoting the 
best days of his active life, to the service 
of his country, hath laid upon us a debt 
of gratitude, as delightful to feel, as it is 
impossible to repay. * O Washington I 



remembering thy disinterested zeal, thy 
ceaseless exertions ; and feeling, too, that 
each one of us partakes, by reflection, of 
the glory of thy virtues ; can we ever feel 
this debt of gratitude, and of honor, bur- 
thensome? — Some of us, indeed, pursu* 
ing a freedom of thought and of public dis- 
cussion — ^the happy birth-right of Ameri,. 
cans, which thy zealous exertions did so 
greatly assist to secure to us — have, no 
doubt, dissented from thee, in matters of 
opinion, respecting so?neof our public con- 
cerns ; but who, that hoped to be regard- 
ed, hath charged aught against thy patri-^ 
otism, thy integrity ! ! 

To the historian it belongs, to render 
complete justice to the public character of 
our great countryman: but, fellow citi- 
zens, he was personally known to many 
of us, in private life. I knew him well — 
both in the recesses of retirement, and 
when at the helm of government: the 
same discreet, wise, unassuming, great 



man! — I experienced his friendship and 
kindness, from my boyish days ; and, by 
his death, not only became a sharer in 
the pubhc calamity, but lost also a bene- 
factor. I never could assume the implea- 
sant and invidious task, of investigating 
his faults or his foibles : but had I detected 
any, I should have considered them " like 
the spots on the sun" — only visible by 
contrast with the general splendor that 
surrounded them. 

It is no less honorable, than beneficial 
to a country, to be prompt to reward, and 
slow to forget the merit and public ser- 
vices, of her distinguished citizens : and 
these traits of national gratitude, consti- 
tute one of the most appropriate themes 
of tlie present occasion. But I have only 
attempted, to lead your reflections herein, 
by a brief sketch. 

Equally appropriate is it, to contem- 
plate the peculiar advantages, which we 
have derived from the revolution; and the 



most obvious mecins of preserving and of 
improving them. 

The preceding rapid narrative, hath 
been occupied, chiefly, with a brief deve- 
lopement, of the causes, leading princi- 
ples, and prominent features of the revo- 
lution in this country : But what was its 
distinguishing character? — It was not, 
like other great national changes which 
history hath recorded, the hideous pro- 
duction of chance, cunning, or violence ; 
wrought by means the most wicked, or 
instruments the most contemptible ; em- 
ploying the detestable maxim, " do evil 
that good may come" ; and, for want of a 
legitimate and fixed object, vibrating be- 
tween anarchy, and the alternate usurpa- 
tion of rival leaders ; till despotism itself, 
became a welcome relief, from the mise- 
ries of confusion and disorder. No. — 
Our revolution was the fair oifspring of 
human wisdom, sanctioned by conscience, 
and approved by heaven. It was founded, 



uot upon the sinister design or artful in* 
trigue, of the ambitious individual ; nor 
in the turbulence and avarice of the fac- 
tious few : but upon the broad and open 
assertion, by the nation itself, of its natural 
and political rights. Its noble object, was 
the happiness of the people — not the ag- 
grandizement of those who promoted it : 
and the means of its support, and estab- 
lishment, were worthy of its foundation, 
and of its object. Hence that love of or- 
der, which, waiting for the authority of 
law, even amidst the commotions of civil 
war, excluded the baneful plea of " urgent 
necessity" ; which had so often, in other 
countries, committed violence on the 
rights which it pretended to defend. 
Hence that spirit of forbearance, which 
tempered the firmest resistance of wrong; 
that enthusiasm of mind, which, without 
the prospect of personal benefit, could 
animate men to the patient endurance of 
hardship ; that steady perseverence, even 



under misfortune, and that reliance on 
heaven, which only can attend a just cause 
— a war of defence, not of aggression. 

And have not the effects of the revolu- 
lution been suitable to its origin, its means, 
and its end? They have. From this 
beneficent source, numerous streams of 
felicity flow, throughout our land : refresh- 
ing, invigorating, and fructifying our in- 
dustrious labors, in all the pursuits of life. 

Once, we were controlled by a distant 
government, which regarded, neither our 
wishes, our interests, nor our happiness : 
and which w^e considered to be, unjust in 
its fundamental principles; uncertain in 
the extent of its powers ; and corrupt, un- 
equal, and tyrannical, in its operation. 
What sort of government have we substi- 
tuted in its stead? The only one in the 
world, which rests upon a preordained 
form ; organized and constituted, by the 
nation itself, in peaceful, free deliberation ; 
prior to the appointment of its first ad- 
7 



ministratorsi A government, which con 
siders man, not as a solitary, but as a 
social being; whose rights are quahfied 
by his social duties : and which secures to 
him, the enjoyment of all those privileges, 
which are consistent with the exercise of 
the same privileges, by the other mem- 
bers of the community. A government, 
whose whole power is a trust, executed 
for the common good ; whose several de- 
partments are so divided as not to inter- 
fere, yet so connected as to harmonize, 
with each other: and which contains in 
itself the seeds of durability ; by providing 
for its perpetual improvement, without 
the necessity of commotion, or disorder. 
A government, whose fundamental prin- 
ciples are applicable, alike, to that form 
which prescribes, to the numerous dele- 
gates of the people of each state, the 
limits of their authority, in the regulation 
of its municipal concerns; and to that 
paramount constitution, which, by a more 



sparing representation, and a more strict 
definition of powers, provides for the 
common concerns, and general welfare of 
** the United States," as one nation. — Here 
are some remarkable features. Each state 
is sovereign in itself, federal in relation to 
each other state, and united with each 
other, in relation to foreign powers : and 
yet the several governmental authorities 
are so organized, as to proceed in har- 
mony! But the representative feature 
runs through the whole ; for even the state 
sovereignties are represented in the fe- 
deral government ! What, then, are the 
political principles, which are capable of 
this extensive, complicated, and yet ac- 
cordant application ? They are these : 

That the sovereign power resides with 
the majority of the citizens ; who retain all 
powers, not expressly granted by the re- 
spective constitutions : and who may, in 
an orderly manner, by their representa- 
tives fairly and equally chosen for the ex- 



press purpose, chai*ge or alter the exist- 
ing constitution ; according to a principle, 
either expressed or implied, which they 
all contain. But, let it be remembered, 
as a silencing answer to the revilers of 
this principle, that this sovereign power, 
being held only by the majority, for the 
^ood of the community ; is incapable of 
being exercised by any smaller number : 
and that, consequently, any partial attempt 
to over-rule or control the operations of 
the government, under whatever plea or 
pretence, is a treasonable and factious of- 
fence against the sovereign. 

That the responsibility of the agents 
employed in executing the constitution, 
is secured, by the power of the people to 
change, at short intervals, by themselves 
or their immediate representatives, the le- 
gislative and executive functionaries ; and 
by the power of impeachment possessed 
by the legislative over the judicial autho- 
rity : which, for the purpose of preserving 



the constitution from encroachment, and 
of expounding impartially, the laws made 
pursuant thereto ; are rendered more in- 
dependent than either of the other depart- 
ments of government. 

That a dangerous accumulation of pow- 
ers, in the same hands, is avoided; by 
rendering the legislative, judiciaiy, and 
executive departments, as distinct from 
each other, as is consistent with that 
wholesome check, which each requires, 
to insure the regular operation of the 
whole. 

That whilst the several constitutions, 
forbid, all hereditary or exclusive political 
privileges ;' the most of them require the 
experience of age, and the possession of 
property; as a qualification, for certain 
important functions of government. And, 
lastly. 

That all citizens enjoy equal liberty. 
But as this equality hath constituted, for 
the admirers of kingly government, a 



subject of sarcasm, as illiberal, as it is ill- 
founded; let us see in what it consists* 
Not in a principle, which should attempt 
to level the several stations and occupa- 
tions of life ; and to confound the everlast- 
ing distinctions, between merit, and de- 
merit; aged wisdom, and youthful folly; 
abilities, taste, and refinement of manners, 
and stupidity, ignorance, and vulgarity. 
No. — The natural distinctions in society, 
originate in that infinite variety in the 
works of creation; which occasions as 
great a diversity in the geniuses, as in the 
features of mankind: and may most of 
them be made highly conducive to true 
order and, happiness. — Our equality con- 
sists in this, that each one may enjoy 
every political right and privilege, which 
any other one is allowed : upon qualifying 
himself, by means which, under the law, 
are free alike to all. And our liberty is 
an exemption from unnecessary restraint; 
which allows us, in our pursuit of hap- 



piness, to do those things, which are not 
injurious to other members of society. 
It is not a license to do wrong, even 
within the law. It is not that prevailing 
vice of the day, which being equally in- 
jurious to public morals, as it is dis- 
graceful, in the eyes of foreigners ; calls 
loudly for the condemnation of public 
opinion: that unprincipled disregard of 
truth, whose employment is misrepresen- 
tation; and which, taking a cowardly ad- 
vantage of the mildness of the laws, or 
of the concealment of a name, covers with 
the " sable mantle of falsehood," the 
best actions, and the fairest characters, of 
men. 

Such being our theory of government, 
which, during and since the revolution, 
hath been reduced to practice, in and over 
all the states, of what consequence to us, 
are the ancient definitions of republican 
government? — in words which originally 
meant, simply, the management of the 



public interest. As well may we seek for 
parallels, between the characters and 
manners of antiquity, and those of mo- 
dern times ; as well may we compare the 
gloomy morality of heathen mythologj^ 
with the pure system of christian ethics; 
as to search history, for governments re- 
sembling our own. One of our best 
writers, hath defined our institution of 
the social compact, to be, "a repre- 
sentative DEMOCRACY." I will add, 
that it possesses all the requisites of good 
government ; which may be comprised in 
two words — efficiency, responsibility. It 
may be compared to a well constructed 
machine ; wherein power and velocity are 
so happily combined, as that neitlier prin- 
ciple predominates, to the destruction of 
the other : and where a departure from 
simplicity is avoided, as much as consists 
with a due combination of those essential 
principles. 

It is not the fault of the revolution, 



that, in the United States, the asperity of 
party, for a long time, hath taken place of 
brotherly love; which should unite the 
true sons of liberty, in a steady pursuit 
of the public good ; and allow to others, 
that freedom of inquiry, in matters of 
opinion, which we claim to ourselves. 
Whilst we consider it a duty, to cherish 
in ourselves, to instil into the tender 
minds of our children, and to inculcate 
on others, the principles of the revolu- 
tion; as the foundation and support of 
all that is most dear to us: let us not 
quarrel with our neighbor, should he dif- 
fer from us ; so long as he allows us the 
like freedom, and, in his conduct, confines 
himself to the like legitimate means. 

It is not the fault of the revolution, if 
some of our zealous citizens seem to for- 
get, that, to cherish an ardent love of our 
countr}^, is distinct from the indulgence 
of that national pride, which inclines us 
to view with contempt, the people of 



other countries, not possessing our poli- 
tical blessings: that that providence, 
which " tempers the winds to the shorn 
lamb," hath not left the most of them 
destitute of peculiar advantages; more 
especially, those which belong to a state 
of maturity — in the diffusion of science, 
literature, and the arts of life : that it is 
one thing to hold up, as warning beacons 
to our countrymen, the vices and corrup- 
tions of other governments; and quite 
another thing, to recommend or excite, 
amongst their subjects, political revolu- 
tions; — which not being practicable, ex- 
cept through the direful medium of human 
misery, ought never to be attempted, but 
upon principles of self-defence, in cases 
of the last necessity : and that it is particu- 
larly the interest of these states, estab- 
lished, as they are, in their governments, 
to inculcate peace, and political order, 
throughout the world ; adhering to their 
own old maxim ^ relative to foreign nations 



^-^' enemies in war, m peace friends.'' 

It is not the fault of the revolution, that 

the inestimable right of suffrage, is, by 

the people in some of our states, so much 

neglected; so much abused in others: 

that, in our own, particularly, exists the 

shameful practice of candidates, not only 

"offering themselves," as the phrase is, 

without consulting the wishes of the 

people; but canvassing, personally, for 

votes! — From whence, numerous evils 

flow ; till matters have come to that pass, 

that strength of body, not of mind, is to 

decide, in most cases of competition. 

He who can best encounter the fatisrue 

of this undertaking; has the best prospect 

of success, in an electioneering campaign. 

The consequence is obvious: the best 

men will choose rather — "the post of 

honor in a private station." 

Nor is it the fault of the revolution, that 
one of the virtues of representative go- 
vernment — frugality of the public purse 



— should in our state be strained to the 
niggardly vice, of withholding money 
from objects of the greatest public utility : 
insomuch, that, within these few years, 
without the operation of any unforeseen 
contingency, the public treasury has 
been known, to be without the means of 
paying the current expenses of govern- 
ment; although there is not an office in 
the whole state establishment, that has a 
salary adequate to the support of its oc- 
cupant. 

It is not the fault of the revolution, 
that the wholesome republican maxim, 
which prescribes an efficient well trained 
militia, as the safest defence of the nation ; 
is, in practice, in more than one of the 
states, so totally reversed ; that, after years 
of temporising expedients, they have 
scarcely a disposable force, equal to the 
most trifling emergency, from within or 
without, which might require its exercise. 

As little is it to be charged to the re* 



volution or its principles, that, instead of 
assuming to ourselves, a national charac- 
ter suited to the real dignity of our sta- 
tion ; with corresponding habits of indus- 
try and economy, and manners of plain- 
ness and sincerity ; our citizens are aping 
the privileged orders of Europe, both in 
the modes of living, and in the education 
of children, with a servility of imitation, 
which may well excite the contempt of 
sensible foreigners, who smile at the auk- 
ward exhibition of our borrowed pageant- 
ry : and that, in the article of dress — in 
which, as in most others of our luxuries, 
vanity lays^ us under heavy contributions 
to the industrious people of other countries 
— we so totally disregard everj^ consi- 
deration of health, convenience, and of 
" the truly ridiculous" ; as to be strutting 
in the Paris and London xviiiter fashions, 
in summer, and in their summer fashions, 
m winter ! 

It is not the fault of the revolution, 



that a standing reproach upon its princi- 
ples exists amongst us ; relative to a sub- 
ject, ^vhich I would rather allude to than 
name: but in which our state is deeply 
concerned, along with her southern neigh- 
bors. This is the result of an unhappy 
state of things, previously existing ; which 
it would be equally difficult and danger- 
ous suddenly to change : but it is an evil 
which gi'ows so fast, and is pregnant with 
such mighty mischief; as to demand our 
earnest endeavors, as a nation, to provide 
for its removal. This must, no doubt, be 
attended with serious difficulties: but 
can these baffle the united wisdom, and 
resolute exertions, of a people who have 
atchieved the revolution? We tread upon 
a volcano. Let us not repose in fancied 
security. 

These existing evils are none of them 
chargeable to our happy revolution. They 
are such as time, and an increase of poli- 
tical experience, will undoubtedly cor* 



rect. — Let us return to an enumeration 
of the beneficent effects of our institutions. 

Formerly, we were implicated in the 
expensive and ruinous wars of the mother 
country : now, our government is free to 
obey, and to cherish, the prevailing dispo- 
sition of its constituents; and peace smiles 
benignant on our labors. 

Formerly, the exertions of our citizens 
were repressed, by various restrictions: 
now, the wide field of industrious em- 
ployment is open to all ; and presents, to 
every one who endeavors after an honest 
competence, a fair prospect of success. 
Agriculture fills our granaries with abun- 
dance ; and furnishes a liberal supply, for 
the wants of other countries. Our com- 
merce, unshackled at home, spreads her 
white wings, to the propitious gales of 
fortune, on every sea : and the extent of 
our navigation, is second only, to the 
greatest in the world. The most essen- 
tial of tlie arts have long been established 



in the land : others are mali:ing a hopeful 
progress. The useful professions abound : 
and science, general literature, and the 
fine arts, are, perhaps, as far advanced, as 
in our youthful state, might be expected. 
How genial is the soil of freedom, for the 
reception and growth, of every useful 
truth ! But are there not too many smat- 
terers sent out from our colleges ? Is the 
course of education therein, well- suited 
to the genius of our government, and to 
the pursuits of our citizens? These are 
questions which I leave for others, more 
competent, to answer. This I know, that, 
to render the rudiments of learning, suf- 
ficiently accessible to the people, general- 
ly, much remains to be done. In our own 
state, the public spirit of a few persons, 
here and there, hath set on foot several 
seminaries of learning : but what avail the 
exertions of individuals, without public 
patronage? — They languish for want of 
permanent funds. But the spirit of inqui- 



ry is abroad ; the attention of the people 
is awake : and, so important a subject, as 
the instruction of our future legislators — 
the future supporters of all that distin- 
guishes us from other nations — cannot, 
much longer, be neglected. In the happy 
constitution of our society, the female sex 
receives and maintains its proper dignity. 
This keeps pure the sources of domestic 
felicity : and, by the early infusion of the 
principles of religion and morality, lays 
the best foundation, for the successful 
education and future greatness, of the 
rising generations. 

Formerly, the native inhabitants of our 
forests, were, by the alternate impulses 
of rival powers, stimulated to molest t^s, 
or to destroy each other: and the people 
of our frontiers were in continual dread 
of their murderous depredations. Now, 
"these children of our country," receive 
with grateful acknowledgments, our pro- 
tection : and to the immortal honor of the 



government, its fostering hand is extend- 
ed, to dispense to them, a liberal share of 
our enjoyments. — Who, that considers 
the former and present condition of these 
people ; views the soil which was wrested 
from their rightful possession, by the vio- 
lence of European avarice ; and remem- 
bers, that, by the open attacks or secret 
machinations of civilized man, whole na- 
tions of these poor people have been ex- 
tinguished, or reduced to a few scattered 
families; — but must exult in this exem- 
plification of national justice and hu- 
manity ! Upon this subject of fel icitation, 
I may add, that, as states, we have been 
enabled to effect what we could not have 
done, as colonies : We have, by a wise 
and pacific policy, removed a fruitful 
source of contention with foreign nations; 
in greatly extending our western frontier, 
so as to command the outlet to its com- 
merce. For a few millions of dollars, 
payable in the most accommodating man- 



ner, we have acquired an immense ex- 
tent of territory : abounding in the richest 
productions of nature; increasing our 
population by the accession of a people, 
happy to share in the advantages of our 
free government; and greatly adding to 
the independent resources of our national 
wealth. How few nations — by the most 
expensive, the most bloody, or the most 
successful war — have made so great an 
acquisition! — And yet, our national debt 
diminishes rapidly ; whilst our numbers 
increase ! and, ere long, without increas- 
ing our taxes (at present lighter than 
those of almost any other civilized people) 
our government will hold a large surplus 
revenue. This may, by the national le- 
dslature, be re-distributed, in just pro- 
portions, to the several states: for the 
purpose of establishing seminaries of 
learning; extending internal navigation; 
facilitating intercourse by good roads; 
and promoting other important objects. 



Fellow citizens! this is not an exagge- 
rated picture of our national felicities. It 
is not an empty, pompous declamation, on 
the magnitude of the general advantages 
derived from our revolution. It is a faint, 
but true exemplification of what we know, 
see, and feel. 

When I consider, that the fair fabric of 
human happiness, erected in this western 
world, is the production of only two cen- 
turies ; when I behold the ample and firm 
foundation on which it rests — the strong 
pillars that support it— the harmony, beau- 
ty, and elegance of its parts — and the sub- 
limity of its elevation, to the view of sur- 
rounding nations ; when I consider, that 
it is now the blest abode of liberty, and 
peace — that its ample apartments afford 
accommodation for millions, in addition 
to its present joyous guests — and that it 
is destined to be the asylum of the virtu- 
ous distressed, from every other quarter 
of the globe ; who may all enjoy the de- 



lights of the place, subject to the first and 
most equitable condition of humanity — 
useful occupation : I anticipate, with trans- 
port, the future greatness and glory of a 
people, who have been able, thus early, 
to rear such a magnificent national struc- 
ture! May their posterity preserve it 
unimpaired, as a monument to future 
ages, of their virtue, wisdom, and pub- 
lic spirit! — Withered be the impious 
hand, which shall be stretched out, to do 
it injury ! ! 

But, my friends, whilst truly sensible 
of our benefits, can we refuse to our su- 
preme benefactor, the just tribute of grati- 
tude ? And can we express our gratitude, 
without ackowledging, with the wisest 
and best men that have ever lived, his 
controlling providence ? 

Washington himself, who, being at the 
centre of intelligence, best knew, what re- 
liance was to be placed on our resources, 
and on the means employed to give them 



activity; was always Ibrwai'd to express 
his intimate conviction, that naught but 
divine aid, could have brought us safely 
through the revolutionary war. — Of those 
who doubt this, I would inquire, were 
there not, during that period, many criti- 
cal points in our affairs ? What determin- 
ed those crises all, directly or indirectly, 
in our favor? And why have not other 
national changes terminated with equal 
success? Is it consistent with any idea of 
supreme wisdom, after creating this fair 
Avorld, to abandon it to chance, or to the 
direction of short-sighted frail mortals? 
— No. — It was the divine wisdom, wliich 
predisposed our forefathers, from their 
peculiar situation, habits, and pursuits, 
for the reception of just principles; and 
permitted the ambition, injustice, and in- 
temperance of their oppressors, to bring 
them into activity, upon this new and 
vast theatre. It was the divine wisdom 
which educed, from the wayward coun- 



cils of a corrupt and aspiring government, 
a practical inquiry into the imprescripti- 
ble rights of the people, and the legiti- 
mate power of their rulers. The Lord 
himself was in our councils, and with 
our armies. He saw the purity of their 
motives : and he inspired that spirit, which 
dictated, the firm resolve of the one ; the 
faithful, patient, steady execution, of the 
other. It was he, who, from the vindic- 
tive rage and cruelty of our enemies, 
gave us union, fortitude, and persever- 
ance; and di'ew from our defeats, the 
means of VICTORY! 



THE END. 



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